Nepal: Reconciliation option

Nepal: Reconciliation option

N. Upadhyaya Nepali

/telegraphnepal.com

Kathmandu: Nepal has now only two options left.

Either to let the upcoming babe take birth through a normal delivery in its own soil or a surgical method is brought into practice to let the incoming babe to come out of the womb in a safe manner.

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No alien doctors please this time.

Medical practitioners though have suggested the second option for a variety of political reasons that are associated with the impending birth of the baby.

Special attention and care has to be taken in the process as the new baby that is to land in this world sooner than later as a sovereign Nepali national must not be like the 12 point kid which took birth through the kind courtesy of erratic neighbors. That was a shame on us all the Nepalese nationals which by this time has been proved. As was expected, the adopted baby turned out to be a naughty one.

Thus bids are afoot to make the easy delivery of the Nepali infant in this sacred soil, with Nepali blood and soul. Brave Gorkhali is soon to become the Nepali pride. (Nepal PM though hails from Gorkha yet his image remains in a somewhat tarnished state for some mysterious reasons).

Those who remained instrumental in inviting the neighbor’s baby some six years back concluding that the child which they were carrying from New Delhi had a Nepali blood too have come to their senses as the imported tot began showing the symptoms which a Nepali blood can never exhibit. Sense now has already prevailed as the carriers of the newborn from a dangerous alien land have begun feeling the heat as was expected much in advance. The kid was a naughty one which by this time has tentatively devastated Nepal whatever was left at the fag end of 2005 and early 2006.

Fortunately, the alien 12 point toddler has already left for his heavenly abode. Analysts yet condole the death. Rest in peace.

Let’s come now to the point.

The Nepali Congress and the UML which had taken much pain in bringing the Nepal Maoists then residing in New Delhi then under Indian protection ( with the signing of June 2002 Treaty) are being pushed to the wall by the ones whom they brought beamingly to teach some lessons to “someone very special” in Kathmandu. The idea had worked then because the entire affair was coordinated by “traditional friends” across the border. However, down the lane after six years, things have begun showing the net results, albeit negative ones, to the extent that the main parties who championed the last so called popular Uprising (or was it a Ratnapark to Ratnapark movement until the Maoists entered into the scene?

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), if these parties wish to survive, must now cooperatively make a resolution which would facilitate the entire democratic forces to congregate at a point.

Or else the NC and the UML and the rest of the democratic forces, whosoever claim themselves to be, will soon become a rare commodity in the country’s political spectrum. Not even their faint sketch will remain.

Their total destruction is for sure and is round the corner provided they correct themselves at the earliest.

Still some hope remains as the process of polarization among the adherents of democratic ideologies and principles has already begun with needed and required speed.

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In a dramatic move that appeared in the Nepali media in the recent days claims that Nepal’s former King, Gyanendra Shah, himself has taken the burden of uniting the democratic forces to face the formidable challenges that are in the making from the Nepal Maoists government and the parties now engaged in the Federal Democratic Alliance. (See five questions column: Yogesh Bhattarai, UML).

The sidelined King perhaps prefers to begin first with the unification of the former Royalists now scattered in various political parties and that too in the name of saving democracy and enhancing the waning Nepali nationalism in the country he once ruled as Nepal sovereign.

No wonder then former Nepali monarch through his own preferred channels sent messages to the parties led respectively by Kamal Thapa, Pasupati S. Rana and Surya Bahadur Thapa to begin the process of their reunification and form what he prefers to call a “Broader Democratic Nationalist Alliance”.

Analysts have been told that ex- Nepal King Gyanendra’s message have been well taken by the parties of the former Panchas as they too may have concluded internally that remaining in a fragmented state will do little in maintaining their own existence in the present political milieu that has been visibly dominated by the ones who do not believe either in democracy or in parliamentary practices.

The ball thus has been set rolling.

If and when these former Panchas unite will definitely be perceived soundly both within and without, it could be presumed to be so, by the rest of the parties also, for example, the NC and the UML, who will, feeling the gravity of the unfolding political situation and as a matter of their own survival as democratic parties, may begin making similar political overtures to the extent that chances remain high that the NC and the UML and rest of its followers will come together even with the former Panchas in the name of saving democracy in Nepal.

That would be a compelling compulsion factor. The politics of the nation will force them all to converge or else disappearance from political scene is very much likely.

The pertinent question then would be whether the NC and the UML will go by the counsels of the former King whom they collectively sidelined in a humiliating manner? Perhaps it is here that BP’s reconciliation theory must come into action and perhaps will.

Its logical answer would be if it becomes a question of survival then one can even go to any extent. But the idea would not be an alien one. It has its origin right here in Nepal so why not to give it a try, the NC and the UML will be forced to think twice while rejecting or accepting such an offer that has its origin in Nepali land.

Yet another question comes to the mind of the analysts is that why the former King is insisting for the formation of a Broader Democratic Nationalist Alliance? What could be his inner intent?

Could be that the former King too has been already assured by the new Maoists party high ranking leaders, NCP-Maoists, that if such an alliance comes into existence then their party would extend the required support in the name of preservation of Nepali nationalism.

To recall, Mohan Baidya and his colleagues have time and again been repeating that some traitors have weakened Nepal nationalism. Obviously they are referring to their own former party colleagues.

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For the democrats, the broader alliance has the word democratic and for the new Maoists, there is the word nationalist. Pleasing to both the differing ears.

High placed sources opine that Nepal’s northern neighbor, China, would beamingly in such an eventuality; if and when the alliance takes a formal shape, extend its “moral support” unconditionally.

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Compulsion factor once again.

The Chinese support, the logic has been that, since Nepali leaders especially from the ruling quarters have ignored the Chinese counsel not to opt for a federal system of governance but yet gave a formal shape to the federal Democratic Republican Alliance, becomes an obligation in that the new alliance as proposed by former Nepali monarch tentatively will house those parties who in some way or the other have gone against Nepal being divided into several federal units. China’s preference incidentally meet here.

Mind it that former Nepali monarch has floated this surprising idea after Mohan Baidya made a very successful trip to Beijing wherein he is supposed to have been briefed by the high level Chinese authorities of the pros and cons of Nepal embracing a federal order. By the way, Hisila Yami is in Beijing to dilute Baidya’s gains. Beijing is searching a reliable partner in Hisila. Puzzling Beijing diplomacy indeed.

By extension should this mean that Mohan Baidya has become a strong and reliable link in between the former Monarch and Beijing? Can’t be ruled out as the initiative has come close on the heels of Baidya’s winding of Beijing trip and also after the formation of the FDRA.

Baidya is a strong nationalist so far the analysts have understood him and his colleagues. But for how long?

A remote probability also remains in that the former Monarch may have been suggested by the Indian regime to bring in all the democratic forces at a common point and show his popular strength. This is also possible because the Indian regime doesn’t believe in what Prachanda claims and acts. After all, the Maoists are Maoists.

  1. P. Oli’s meet with Dr. Karan Singh in Delhi can’t be dismissed. To recall, Oli was against the second uprising. By extension, he was with the King then.

If so then how come former King could tame the Mohan baidya’s revolutionary Maoists camp?

As politics never goes straight so the former Nepal sovereign may have assured Indian regime that Mohan baidya’s faction will not create any havoc inside India by aligning with the Indian radicals. Could have been a verbal assurance.  Baidya has also time and again said that his party will not go in for revolt in the near future.

Be that as it may, China’s prestige is at stake in Nepal. How Beijing fixes the Nepali ailments will have to be watched.

Needless to say, the taking shape of FDRA is not in the overall interest of China for obvious political reasons as has already been aired by Mr. Ai Ping. That’s all.

Republished March 28, 2018: Ed.