Bhimnath Baral, Associate Professor

Department of Political Science, PNC, Pokhara, Nepal

Non-aligned Foreign Policy:

The devastating Second World War brought sea changes in world politics. The pre war friends started to form their own alliances just after the post war international relations. Nepal also witnessed a new chapter in its foreign policy. An important political development that contributed to the new state of affairs was king Mahendra’s coming to power. Two outstanding events took immediately after the accession of king Mahendra to the throne on March 13, 1955. Nepal’s admission to the united Nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations with the communist Chinese government (Rose, 1971:208). The year 1955 was to be the most significant year in Nepal’s foreign policy.

Nepal’s participation in Afro-Asian conference held at Bandung later paved the way for Nepal’s non-aligned foreign policy. It was Bandung conference which provided the bases for non-alignment movement in the form of principles of Panchasheel. From that day onward, non alignment has remained as the basic guideline of Nepal’s foreign policy. Non alignment was a historic necessity for Nepal and as well as others which would create opportunities for the peaceful political development of nations and above all, in a non-military dimension, suggest a middle path before rival pressures (Khanal, 2000:425). Further, It was compulsive necessity for Nepal to adopt this policy to be survived in critical days of cold war politics and its own geostrategic location as well.

Policy of Zone of Peace:

The most important and original strategic policy adopted by Nepal in order to project its changing security was the proposal of Zone of Peace. When king Birendra ascended the throne of Nepal, he introduced new foreign policy decision to declare Nepal as a ‘Zone of peace’. The concept was first mooted in 1973 at the non-aligned summit held at Algiers. It was formally forwarded at the coronation ceremony of king Birendra held in Kathmandu on 25 February 1975 (Sharma 2006:239). The main theme of declaring Nepal as “zone of peace” was to maintain neutrality in all possible regional conflicts and also ensure domestic political stability and economic development (Muni, 2016:234-235). The events in the neighborhood were threatening the security of the nations and world political situation was also in critical mode. India’s assertion of its position following its policy tilt to the Soviet Union in 1971, active role in the division of Pakistan and emergence of Bangladesh, annexation of Sikkim, a tiny Himalayan state close to Nepal and nuclear test inspired Nepal to innovate a new policy initiative to be declared Nepal as a “Zone of Peace” (Dahal 2011:41). Nepal also faced difficulties during this time due to Khampa incident and other domestic problems (Baral, 2072:97). The proposal was mostly based on the spirit of nonalignment and principles of Panchasheel. So, it received overwhelming support from 116 countries but India is yet not welcomed by thinking that Nepal had certain other objectives (Srivastav, 2016:41).

Policy of Equidistance / Equi-proximity:

Nepal’s foreign policy has remained a difficult serious and sensitive subject owing to its geopolitical and underdevelopment. In course of dealing with foreign policy matters, Nepal’s geopolitical and geostrategic location has obligated it to adopt a balance policy with its immediate neighbours. Nepalese foreign policy was under the dominance of India till mid 1950s. Nepal’s entry into global environment was opened after its membership in UNO in 1955. The then king Mahendra adopted the policy of maintaining equal relation between India and China.

The one sided relation now started balancing with the construction of Araniko Highway despite of India’s objection (Thapa, 2016:19). Nepal’s strong commitment on non-align movement and considering the principles of Panchasheel as the bases of Nepalese foreign policy became the steps towards maintaining equidistance foreign policy. Mahendra also shaped Nepalese foreign policy to suit the times by diversifying and establishing diplomatic and commercial relations with different countries of the world.

During the Panchayat Period, Nepal had emphasized the policy of equidistance regarding its relation with the two immediate neighbours. After 1990, the concept of equi-proximity was introduced to justify the closeness with Nepalese power centers basically with immediate neighbours. According to Dhurba Kumar as quoted by Dahal (2009:34-35) the term “equi-proximity” as “a conception guaranteeing a balanced relationship with both India and China. Sovereign equality remains central to this proposition. In so doing, Nepal should advisedly undertake an effort to review all the previous treaties and discard the ones that had proved unfavourable to the country’s national interests. The thrust of the argument conclusively points towards ending the special relationship with India, which restricts Nepal’s freedom to maintain a meaningful relation with China. No were has this feeling been reflected more correctly in recent memory than in the case of Chinese arms versus Indian blockade.” Compared to the diplomacy of equidistance, Nepal’s success in the diplomacy of “equi-proximity” which is a constructive policy based on mutual trust, equal benefit and cooperation.

The question of “balanced relation” is equally vital in Nepalese foreign policy determination. Many Indian foreign policy makers stressed India’s special relationship with Nepal and became and highly objectionable of Nepal’s policy of balanced relationship as both are closed in terms of cultural, economic, geographic and social conditions (Singh and Shah, 2016:56). The issue of balanced relation always remained a subject of debate. Formulation of foreign policy on the party line has created more fundamental issues. The leftist government is often blamed for following ‘pro-Chinese policy’ where as the rightist or centrist government follow a ‘pro-India policy’. But it is the geo-political reality for any government of Nepal not be either ‘pro-Chinese’ or ‘pro-Indian’. So, equi-proximity should be maintained in dealing with our immediate neighbours. However, Nepal has been remained neutral in the conflict between India and China. Related to Doklam issue, in June 2017, Nepal had made it clear that it will stay neutral in the latest India China standoff, and it wants this issue to be resolved peacefully. Nepal had also remained neutral in Indo-China war of 1962.

Nepal and Trilateral Cooperation:

Although, globalization has created inter-dependency and countries are unable to exist and develop in isolation, still the politics of power and hegemony discourages the interest of small powers on an equal footing. Nepal has been experiencing the direct impact of enmity, cooperation and competition of India and china . Their relation is full of enmity, cooperative and competitive from the point of view of border, trade and strategic issues (khanal,2073:286). The recent case of Lipu Lekh has raised the questions regarding our position. While reaching bilateral understanding during the Indian Prime minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Beijing in May 2015, the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Modi were reported to have agreed to use this corridor for their interest (Baral;2016:13). So, the significant question then is can there be a balanced trilateral relationship between the three countries. However, the issue of trilateralism is a compulsive necessity for all Nepal, China and India because of political, strategic and geo-realities.

In the recent years, both the leaders of India and China have focused on development and economic prosperity. They have made massive progress in road, railway and maritime connectivity too. Xi Jinping’s ambitious project of OBOR (One Belt One Road) has the aim to be connected with about 60 countries of Asia, Africa and Europe. President’s vision of creating a ‘community of common destiny’ through ‘Go West’ and ‘Peripheral Strategy’(Subedi, 2016:41)have extended a kind of significant advancement of India in the field of Science and technology and its ‘Neighbourhood First’ Policy can be fruitful for our prosperity. If these policies are honestly enforced, the concept of trilateralism can be materialized.

But it does not mean that our immediate neighbours will put aside their security concern.

China is always cautious about whether Nepali land might be used for anti-China element. China is more concerned about Tibet issue when it comes to dealing with Nepal. The border dispute, the Tibetan refugee issue and china’s strategic relation with Pakistan continue to be irritants in China-India relations(Baral,2016:11-25). India is equally worried about growing Chinese influence in Nepalese Politics. India is not happy with Chinese investment in infrastructure and energy in Nepal. Besides these,the open border borne problems like circulation of fake currency, increasement in criminal activities, rising terrorists attack, illegal trade, drug and human trafficking, etc always create tension between two countries. Growing anti- Indian Sentiment in Nepal has also created more problems. However, Nepal is committed to ensure its neighbours about their security concern by not allowing the Nepalese land for the activities against them.

Constitutional Provision:

Constitution is the major guiding document of the overall affairs of the nation. As the supreme law, the Constitution of Nepal 2072 has made clear provision about Nepalese foreign Policy. The latest constitution has not made any substantial changes regarding foreign policy. However, part four of the constitution has made the provision of directive principles, policies and obligations of the state. It is mentioned that the state shall direct its international relations towards enhancing the dignity of the nation in the world community by maintaining international relations on the basis of sovereign equality, while safeguarding the freedom, sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence and national interest of Nepal(article 50(4). Likewise, under the topics ‘Policies of States’ the state has the aim to conduct an independent foreign policy based on the Charter of the United Nations, non-alignment, Principles of Panchasheel, International law and the norms of the world peace taking into consideration of the interest of the nation. While remaining active in safeguarding the sovereignty territorial integrity, independence and national interest of Nepal (article 51(m(1) ). The additional provision made in the constitution than to previous constitutions is that the government will pursue the policy to review treaties concluded in the past and make treaties, agreements based on equality and mutual interest(article 51(m)2). There have been several changes in guidelines of foreign policy are almost same. With the change in situation it is necessary to rethink about Nepalese foreign policy. Basically it is the demand of the general public and political parties of Nepal to rethink about the relation with the southern neighbour.

Formation of Eminent Persons Group (EPG):

Nepal and India are so well bounded by various cultural, religion, social, economic and geographical ties. But the relation has remained paradoxical as commented by India diplomat, Shyam Saran (2017:149). Basically, Anti India sentiment is growing in Nepal especially after Indian blockade of 2015. It is a subject of debate regarding the treaties signed between the two countries in different times. By realizing the fact, a joint mechanism with a group of foreign policy expert called Eminent Persons Group(EPG) has formed. The mandate that was given to EPG following the meeting between (then) Prime Minister K.P. Oli and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 20 February, 2016 included taking a serious look at a possible review of Friendship treaty which was concluded decades ago. The EPG has formed to look into the totality of Nepal- India relation from independent,. non-governmental perspective and suggest measures to further expand and consolidate the close and multifaceted relations between the two governments. The EPG group from Nepali side is headed by Bhekh Bahadur Thapa, former foreign minister of Nepal with Nilambar Acharya, Dr Rajan Bhattarai and Suryanath Upadhaya as the members. Likewise, Bhagat Singh Koshiyari, Leader of Indian ruling party, is heading Indian side with Dr. Mahendra P.Lama, Prof B. C. Upreti and Jayanta Prasad as the members. The eight members group have been entrusted with the responsibility of putting together a mutually agreed document within two years to suggest ways to strengthen bilateral ties in view of evolving regional dynamics and world order. The EPG has he main aim to revise the bilateral agreements and arrangements. Generally, it has the mandate to take into five broad areas of Nepal India ties i.e. political relation, government to government ties, development cooperation, economic exchanges and social and cultural relationship. Hope that its recommendations will be fruitful in strengthening the relation between these two closed neighbour.

Nepal and the World Community:

Nepal’s entry into international community formally opened only after its membership of the UNO in 1955. Further, Nepal also became the temporary member of Security Council of the UNO twice (1969-1970 and 1988- 1989). Nepal is one of the founder members of NAM which formally initiated from 1961.

Nepal’s contribution in the establishment of SAARC in 1985 and establishment of SAARC Secretariat in Kathmandu has enhanced its prestige. Nepal’s involvement in BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiatives for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic cooperation) in 31 July, 2004 has widened its image in the world community. Currently, Nepal is chairing SAARC and BIMSIEC but Nepal’s failure to organize their summits has raised many questions in its ability to regulate foreign policy.

Conclusion:

From the very beginning of the formulation of Nepal’s foreign policy the founding ruler Prithivi Narayan Shah had realized the geographical reality and recommended very cautious relations with them. After his demise, neither his successors could fully realized the actual situation nor could maintain national unity. In such situation, Nepalese foreign policy could not catch the fundamental shape. It passed through different patterns and the situations drastically brought substantial changes in foreign policy outlook. Neutral and non-align foreign policy, policy of isolation, era of special relation ,equidistance policy, policy of zone of peace, non-align foreign policy ,etc. were chosen in different periods of history. Whoever became the ruler, their main intention of making certain foreign policy was to sustain their regime. Even after the restoration of democracy, foreign policy choice could not go beyond party line. Whenever the ruler failed to manage internal affairs and tried to divert internal political conflict to the external affairs, they have invited trouble. The situation even put serious limitations to the country’s pursuit of independent foreign policy.

Finally, after a long struggle with many ups and downs, political transition has somehow ended. The parties and general public have single fold demand for economic prosperity. In such condition, our immediate neighbours can be the decisive factors to achieve economic soundness through the transfer of aid/investment, technology and market as well. It needs careful balance of own structure by giving proper attention in the management of their interest. We should make Nepal as a bridge between two emerging economies. We further need to maintain triangular relationship by action as a bridge between the two rising powers and play an active role in the establishment of trilateral cooperative ventures. The relation with one neighbour can’t be taken at the cost of another. Our foreign policy should address the fragile image as one of the poorest and conflict prone state and its gradual erosion of international acceptability. For that, a comprehensive consensus should be built on the foundation of foreign policy through internal solidarity and it should be taken into operation.

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# Thanks the distinguished author Associate Professor Mr. Baral and the PNC Journal: Ed. N. P. Upadhyaya. Concluding Part. 

# Our own contact email address is: editor.telegraphnepal@gmail.com