A Forward-looking Foreign Policy for Nepal

A Forward-looking Foreign Policy for Nepal

-Kedar Bhakta Shrestha, Nepal

Years ago, a highly placed person asked me “does Nepal have a foreign policy?” Years later, another prominent person made an identical query.

I was somewhat intrigued and pondered myself as to the reason behind such dignitaries doubting about Nepal having a foreign policy.

I had felt, on those occasions, that these queries were prompted by diverse and oftentimes, contradictory stances and positions taken by different parties and individuals on matters relating to our foreign relations.

In all fairness it must be said that Nepal has a clearly articulated foreign policy based on the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in others ‘internal affairs and peaceful co-existence.

These basic tenets have now been further elaborated and enshrined in our constitution and serve as the guidelines for the formulation and implementation of our foreign policy.

Our positions on many international issues ranging from colonization, apartheid, disarmament, human rights, non-alignment, regional cooperation, environment and matters relating to poverty and least developed countries have been and are being clearly articulated at appropriate occasions and are well appreciated.

Doubts and concerns about Nepal having a foreign policy are raised sometimes when differing and opposite views are expressed. Utterances by the leaders regarding Venezuela, as also on the Belt and Road Initiative and the Indo- Pacific Strategy (lately being modified and touted as a Concept or a Policy) lead to confusion both inside and outside the country. Such confusion is confounded when differing views are expressed by leaders of the party which runs the government.

The need for a national consensus regarding foreign policy can be hardly over emphasized.

We can argue, discuss and debate about foreign policy but having done so, we should speak with one voice on vital matters therein. This will give both credence and strength to our policy.

The present case of a united voice on the issue of Kalapani, Lipulek and Limpiyadhura can be cited as a good example of national consensus on foreign policy.

However, we should not shy away from posing the question- is our foreign policy tuned to or relevant in this fast changing world? Needless to say that our national interest should guide and determine our foreign policy.

There may be slight variance in the focus of our policy or prioritization-sometimes taking a moderate and balanced stance while on other occasions, we may have to be more vocal and assertive, if need be.

Forward Looking Foreign Policy:

In the context of a fast changing world scenario, there is a growing need to look at an; I analyze the evolving trends in the neighborhood, region and beyond and adapt our policy in a manner that would enable us to protect and promote our national interests.

While we will have to deal with day to day matters as per the established policy and practice as also to react to events as and when they occur and impact our interests, we should develop a system for a medium to long term strategic thinking and planning I What would be the world like say, in 2035, fifteen years from now?

There are a number of studies portraying the world scenario around that period. Although there are I varying degrees of forecast, many of their views converge at some of the major trends I for the next fifteen years. I venture some observations.

Emerging Asia:

One of the realities of the present day world is the growing economic prosperity of Asia, brought about mainly by China’s economic reforms starting in 1978 and that of India’s liberal economic policies that began around 1991.
The shift of wealth from US and Europe has become increasingly evident by the day.

China has become the second economic power in the world and by the year 2035, its GDP would most likely have surpassed that of the United States.

With growing economic prosperity and the resulting clout, there will be a desire to become militarily strong as well, as is evinced by the growing militarization in China. India also will continue to grow rich and by 2035 would have surpassed many nations including possibly Japan, to be in the 3rd place by that time. Indonesia, South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore will help place Asia firmly on top of the world economic chart surpassing Europe. By 2035, Asia and USA will be the two major centers of world economy.

India – China:


What would be India-China relations like in 2035? China, having established itself as an equal or near-equal economic power with the United States, will have become the pre¬eminent power in Asia, both in economic and military terms.

India would have greatly increased its GDP, significantly reducing its poverty and vastly increasing its industrial output. India may have been more populous than China. How would India-China relations evolve in the days to come?

I have put them in four categories- cooperation, competition, confrontation and conflict-the 4C’s.

Cooperation:

India and China will cooperate in areas like trade, economic and environmental issues to the extent that their interests converge vis-a- vis the United States and the western world.

Although India has many issues with US on trade matters, they have not captured the headlines like by the ongoing trade war between China and the US. In trade as well as other issues mentioned above, both the countries will find that it will be in their common interests to work together to extract concessions from the western world.

Competition:

China will be more assertive in the region and beyond, sometimes even aggressive in its policies as can be seen in the case of South China Seas. It will increasingly consider only USA as its rival.

Starting with its move to create a number of ports starting from China to Malacca, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Somalia and Sudan- dubbed as a “string of pearls”, it has come out with a much more ambitious and far- reaching Belt and Road Initiative which India has refused to be part of. Instead, it has opted to join the US sponsored Indo-Pacific Strategy.

Also, India will continue to counter China’s move and strengthen its strategic goals by increasing its collaboration with Japan, Vietnam and Australia- and also with the islands in the southern Indian Ocean like Seychelles, Mauritius and the Maldives. This is where they will compete.

Confrontation:

The border dispute between India and China in Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh may not have been settled by 2035.There will be skirmishes on the disputed areas like the recent ones in Galwan valley, some other parts of Ladakh and Sikkim from time to time. That is what confrontation will mean.

Conflict:

It is highly unlikely that India and China will engage in a full scale war over border issues. Occasional skirmishes and flexing of muscles are not likely to lead to conflict between the two countries.

It will be in the interests of both the countries to “manage” the border dispute.

China and the United States:

In 2035, China and the United States will be the two countries with the highest GDPs. Although China’s GDP would have equaled that of the USA, China’s per capita would be four times poorer due to the population factor.

Still, China as a nation would be an economic power as great or even greater than the US. Its economy would have become more domestic consumption oriented, at the same time retaining its position as the world’s largest exporter.

Its large investments around the globe would have given it a formidable economic clout. Renminbi might be competing with the US Dollar as the world’s trading currency.

President Obama’s “Pivot Asia” policy was a recognition by the US of the growing importance of Asia as an economic powerhouse.

President Trump’s aggressive pursuit of trade war with China is due to its fear of the increasing economic power of China. By 2035, China and the US would be the two major players competing to be dominant in the east, south and the south-east Asian region.

The US will be engaged in further strengthening its ties with Japan, Korea, ASEAN, India and Australia to counter China’s growing influence and aggressive gestures in the region.

China will continue to flex its muscles in and around east and South China Seas and along the disputed borders with India.

To engage and maintain a healthy relationship with China will be the biggest challenge for American diplomacy in the years to come.

Although it is hoped that sanity and common sense will prevent both sides from engaging into a disastrous relationship, they will remain as rivals in many areas.

To “manage” their rivalry will test the diplomatic acumen of both the countries.

India’s Look East Policy:

India’s Look East Policy is aimed at achieving a greater role for itself in the region and beyond as well as in countering growing Chinese influence and assertiveness.

India will continue to enhance its defense diplomacy with Japan, Vietnam, Indonesia and possibly with Australia which would have more closely integrated itself economically with the region.

By 2035, India would have established itself as a major player in the region in terms of trade and investment. Its military prowess would also have grown significantly although lagging way behind that of China.

India’s actions and policies will be aimed at containing China’s growing economic and military prowess.
Nepal-India:

By 2035, Nepal would have greatly diversified its trade and economic relations.

On both these fronts, countries beside India would be playing a greater role.

But it will be a mistake to minimize India’s importance in Nepal’s trade and economic relations. India will still continue to be a major investor in hydropower, services and manufacturing industries. Indian tourist arrivals would have significantly increased with growing air, road and rail connectivity.

Many Indian and Nepalese cities will have direct air links. It would be much easier for vehicles from both countries to travel back and forth. It will be a common sight of Nepalese driving their own cars to Delhi, Lucknow, Varanasi, Haridwar, Siliguri and so on.

Likewise, Indian tourists will be seen driving their own cars in various Nepalese towns and touristic spots.

Nepal’s relations with India are unique in many ways- open border and free movement of people, and close social, cultural and religious ties.

Millions of Nepalese are engaged in employment in different parts of India as are hundreds of thousands of Indians in Nepal.

In order to strengthen and consolidate our bilateral relations, we should leave behind the historical baggage and move forward with a fresh and open mind.

If we have a clear and unambiguous national consensus in our dealings with India, there will be not much room to complain about interference and meddling in internal affairs.

Nepal-lndia-China:

India and China would have become top world economic powers by 2035.The nature of their relations would vary from cooperative to confrontational as mentioned earlier.

No matter how their relations develop, bilateral trade would be one area which will continue to grow.

Situated between the two economic behemoths, Nepal should make the most of this enviable position.

Nepal should adopt and pursue the policy of equi-proximity wherever and whenever applicable.

Nepal should be clear and unequivocal in convincing both the countries that its relations with one would not be detrimental to the other.

In order to do so, Nepal should keep in mind the sensitivities of both the countries in mind.

It will be a pity if Nepal remained in the sidelines unable to reap the benefits of being placed between these two powerful countries.

Regional Cooperation:

It is sad to see SAARC immobilized at the moment due to the growing rivalry and hostile postures of two of its largest members. When and how will it come back to action is difficult to say.

But it must be said that if SAARC is allowed to pursue its mandated goal of cooperation in the region, the region as a whole will stand to gain.

BIMSTEC has emerged as another vehicle for cooperation with an eastward slant. But how will it move forward in a cohesive manner is yet to be seen.

Thailand is too much integrated with ASEAN to be too keen to be deeply involved with BIMSTEC. Myanmar, straddled as it is between ASEAN and South Asia will be ambivalent towards BIMSTEC.

The best scenario for Nepal would be the revival and strengthening of SAARC. Failing that or without waiting for that to happen, Nepal should develop closer links within the BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal) framework and take up joint projects of common interests in the field of trade, energy, investment, services and other economic activities.

For that, there will be a need to develop infrastructure in the region to harness the potentialities of hydropower, transportation- rail, road and river- and other areas.

European Union:

European Union will remain a powerhouse of economy in 2035 in spite of the troubled economies of the southern countries and the setback and confusion caused by Brexit.

It will be in our interest to continue to promote economic and trade relations with this group.

Furthermore, EU will remain a significant partner in our development efforts.

Eurasian Union:

In 2035, Putin would no longer be at the helm of affairs in Russia.

But Russia will remain a formidable military power with a significant economic strength.

Putin’s legacy of enlarging and strengthening the Eurasian Union will continue.

A few more countries of the former Soviet Union may join the current group of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus and Albania.

It will be difficult to visualize about Ukraine in the year 2035.

The most likely scenario will be that it will get closer to the EU without joining it.

With a view to countering the European Union, Russia’s aim will be to revive the past glory of the Soviet Union.

Even if the Eurasian Union will be nowhere near the EU in economic terms, it will remain an important group.


BRICS and MINT Countries:

Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, collectively known as the BRICS (originally just BRIC and later “S” added with the inclusion of South Africa), constitute a group of emerging economic powers.

Conceived as a counter weight to the Group of Seven, it has established the New Development Bank, formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank to soften and lessen the role of the established Bretton Woods institutions.

The group aims to promote trade and investment as well as work together for the promotion of science, technology and innovation among the members.

It remains to be seen how the group would develop and consolidate its position in the years ahead.

Will it turn out to be a strong and cohesive group in 2035 despite the members’ diverse interests, priorities and problems? Only time will tell.

The same banker who coined the acronym BRICS also coined MINT- Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey.

These emerging countries would have reached a high degree of economic achievement with a considerable say in world economic issues.

Other countries that would have climbed the uppermost rung of the economic ladder would be South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore (already on the top) and Malaysia.

The oil-rich Arab countries will continue to have substantial economic strength and clout.

United Nations:

Nepal’s role in the United Nations has been well appreciated. Nepal has become the member of the Security Council twice- 1969-70 and 1988-89.

It had been involved and played an active role in the fields of apartheid, disarmament, land-locked and least developed countries and the law of the seas, etc.

Nepal’s active and growing involvement in the UN Peacekeeping Operations has helped enhance Nepal’s prestige in the international arena.

Nepal should aim at ever-increasing involvement in the peacekeeping operations to remain among the top of the list.

The Author

Environment, Terrorism, Human & Drug Trafficking:

Environment and issues relating to climate change will be priority matters in the days come.

Global warming and the melting of snow in the Himalayas will be a matter f serious concern for Nepal.

We should raise our voice and articulate our concern at appropriate forums and occasions.

The recent news of Nepal receiving the 40 million dollars for climate change project grant from the Green Climate Fund is quite encouraging.

We should continue to use and enhance our diplomatic skill in getting maximum benefit from carbon and emission trading system under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Other increasingly important international issues will be the ones relating to cross □order terrorism and human and drug trafficking.

While maintaining a positive and supportive role in combating these problems, we should also develop our capacity to do so.

Science, Technology and IT and Al:

The world would have changed significantly in 2035 due to far reaching scientific and technological progress.

There are some predictions indicating that extraordinary inventions will revolutionize our lives.

Autos and vehicles without drivers would have become common sight in the developed countries and at the initial stages of introduction in other countries.

Robots would have taken over many of the day to day human activities.

Space exploration would have gone beyond our imagination. The pace of new and advanced products in the IT sector will be mind boggling.

All these changes are bound to affect our lives one way or the other.

Our offices would have become virtually paperless.

Our contact and communication would have become so fast that time and distance would be of not much significance. People will hardly need to go to the banks.

Many of the services provided by the offices will be available online.

We have to adapt ourselves to this changed world in our dealings with ourselves as well as with the outside world.

Flash Points of World Politics:

It will be hazardous to guess the Middle East situation around the 2035.

While Palestine may have gained full statehood status, its relations with Israel would not be free from tension. Iraq and Syria should have become relatively stable and peaceful depending on how able they are to get rid of the ISIS militants. The Iranian nuclear issue is of a tricky nature.

The nuclear deal was seen as a positive development. But US President Donald Trump abandoning it and US imposition of sanctions, reports of Iran’s violation of the deal by IAEA and others have made the whole issue messy and complicated. What Iran would be up to in 2035 would be anybody’s guess.

Also difficult will be to predict the future of extremists like ISIS, al-Qaeda, Taliban and Boko Haram.

Will they continue to grow and threaten the lives of the peoples or will gradually become smaller or weaker? It seems for now and for quite some time into the future, they will remain a threat to the peace and lives in many regions of the world.

Although Kashmir, Koreas, Spratly Islands and Taiwan will remain the other major flash points, it is unlikely that a major conflict will erupt in these regions. Unless some unforeseen incident occurs, they will remain more or less peaceful, although occasionally, tense.

Conclusion & Recommendation:

I have ventured to take a brief tour d’horizon leading up to and around the year 2035. What should be our foreign policy in the context of these likely scenarios around the globe? Also, how to gear up and prepare ourselves and strengthen our diplomatic establishment to meet the challenges and opportunities of the future? Here are some suggestions:

  1. There should be a national consensus on the broad parameters and the basic premises of our foreign policy. I feel we already have it to a large degree. What is bothersome as well as harmful is the manner in which some of our leaders, from time to time, come out with untimely and unwanted statements causing confusion both inside and outside the country.
  2. No matter how the world trends develop, the major focus will be in conducting our relations with India, with China and managing the trilateral relations. Lately, the United States has entered the scene with its Indo-Pacific strategy as a counterweight to China’s BRI. We should develop our capacity to understand and analyze the trends of India- China and now, also of China- United States relations, and their probable impact on Nepal.
  3. It has to be clearly understood and accepted that our foreign ministry is the focal point of our foreign relations. There should be no room for anyone to grudge about treading on one’s so-called “turf”.
  4. All our government mechanism should closely cooperate and coordinate with the foreign ministry in the formulation of their policies and dealings that involve foreign governments and international institutions.
  5. Our foreign ministry is mostly pre-occupied with day to day and routine matters. It should have a strong research and analysis team- unburdened by routine affairs- a sort of a think tank. This team should, from time to time, also interact with academia, intellectuals, study groups, media and civil society on major foreign policy issues.
  6. There is an acute need to develop our institutional memory. Many of our bilateral negotiations are not properly recorded. This deficiency puts us at a disadvantage whether it be issues relating to boundaries, trade, transit or treaty matters.
  7. The existing Institute of Foreign Affairs needs to be totally revamped in terms of infrastructure, personnel and academic excellence. It should be able to impart adequate training to entry level and mid-level officials of the Ministry while also developing its capacity to provide valuable inputs to the Ministry on major policy issues.
  8. A couple of mid and senior level officials of the Ministry should be deputed to the Prime Minister’s Office to provide constant and uninterrupted assistance pertaining to foreign relations.
  9. Junior level officials should be deputed for a period of at least one year to relevant line ministries like Commerce, Finance, Labor, Tourism, Environment, etc. to enable them to get firsthand insight into relevant issues.
  10. Now that we have a “provincial” system, ministry officials should also be posted to all the provinces for a year or so to understand the working of the federal system as also to advise federal government on matters that touch on foreign relations.
  11. Entry level and even mid-level officials should be required to learn languages like Arabic, Chinese in Nepalese and even foreign institutes, if necessary. Officials should be encouraged to enhance their English writing and speaking skills. Also, their drafting, communicating and negotiating skills should also be increased.
  12. The hub of our diplomatic activity is the Foreign Ministry aided by its diplomatic and consular missions abroad. One of the major problems faced by the diplomatic missions is the “Bhag-bunda” culture of our political system. More often than not, party sponsored political appointees have failed to live up to the expectations of their position and duties.
  13. The number of diplomatic missions have grown unabated in recent years. The need and use of some of them are questionable. Instead of opening up more embassies we should try to strengthen and make the existing ones more effective.
  14. Many of our diplomatic missions suffer from poor and dwindling infrastructure. We may not be a rich country but we have to maintain a certain minimum dignity in our missions abroad. We need not be lavish but our ambassadors should be able to entertain host country dignitaries from time to time. Also, it will be very undiplomatic if our ambassadors are not able to reciprocate the hospitality of other diplomatic colleagues for lack of sufficient funds. Adequate funds should be allocated for travel and entertainment purposes to make our missions active and effective.

BRICS and MINT Countries:

Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, collectively known as the BRICS (originally just BRIC and later “S” added with the inclusion of South Africa), constitute a group of emerging economic powers. Conceived as a counter weight to the Group of Seven, it has established the New Development Bank, formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank to soften and lessen the role of the established Bretton Woods institutions. The group aims to promote trade and investment as well as work together for the promotion of science, technology and innovation among the members. It remains to be seen how the group would develop and consolidate its position in the years ahead. Will it turn out to be a strong and cohesive group in 2035 despite the members’ diverse interests, priorities and problems? Only time will tell.

The same banker who coined the acronym BRICS also coined MINT- Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey. These emerging countries would have reached a high degree of economic achievement with a considerable say in world economic issues. Other countries that would have climbed the uppermost rung of the economic ladder would be South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore (already on the top) and Malaysia. The oil-rich Arab countries will continue to have substantial economic strength and clout.

United Nations:

Nepal’s role in the United Nations has been well appreciated. Nepal has become the member of the Security Council twice- 1969-70 and 1988-89. It had been involved and played an active role in the fields of apartheid, disarmament, land-locked and least developed countries and the law of the seas, etc. Nepal’s active and growing involvement in the UN Peacekeeping Operations has helped enhance Nepal’s prestige in the international arena. Nepal should aim at ever-increasing involvement in the peacekeeping operations to remain among the top of the list.

Environment, Terrorism, Human & Drug Trafficking:

Environment and issues relating to climate change will be priority matters in the days come. Global warming and the melting of snow in the Himalayas will be a matter f serious concern for Nepal. We should raise our voice and articulate our concern at appropriate forums and occasions.

The recent news of Nepal receiving the 40 million dollars for climate change project grant from the Green Climate Fund is quite encouraging. We should continue to use and enhance our diplomatic skill in getting maximum benefit from carbon and emission trading system under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Other increasingly important international issues will be the ones relating to cross □order terrorism and human and drug trafficking.

While maintaining a positive and supportive role in combating these problems, we should also develop our capacity to do so.
Science, Technology and IT and Al:

The world would have changed significantly in 2035 due to far reaching scientific and technological progress.

There are some predictions indicating that extraordinary inventions will revolutionize our lives.

Autos and vehicles without drivers would have become common sight in the developed countries and at the initial stages of introduction in other countries.

Robots would have taken over many of the day to day human activities. Space exploration would have gone beyond our imagination.

The pace of new and advanced products in the IT sector will be mind boggling.


All these changes are bound to affect our lives one way or the other. Our offices would have become virtually paperless. Our contact and communication would have become so fast that time and distance would be of not much significance. People will hardly need to go to the banks. Many of the services provided by the offices will be available online. We have to adapt ourselves to this changed world in our dealings with ourselves as well as with the outside world.
Flash Points of World Politics:

It will be hazardous to guess the Middle East situation around the 2035.

While Palestine may have gained full statehood status, its relations with Israel would not be free from tension. Iraq and Syria should have become relatively stable and peaceful depending on how able they are to get rid of the ISIS militants.

The Iranian nuclear issue is of a tricky nature.

The nuclear deal was seen as a positive development. But US President Donald Trump abandoning it and US imposition of sanctions, reports of Iran’s violation of the deal by IAEA and others have made the whole issue messy and complicated.

What Iran would be up to in 2035 would be anybody’s guess.

Also difficult will be to predict the future of extremists like ISIS, al-Qaeda, Taliban and Boko Haram.

Will they continue to grow and threaten the lives of the peoples or will gradually become smaller or weaker? It seems for now and for quite some time into the future, they will remain a threat to the peace and lives in many regions of the world.

Although Kashmir, Koreas, Spratly Islands and Taiwan will remain the other major flash points, it is unlikely that a major conflict will erupt in these regions. Unless some unforeseen incident occurs, they will remain more or less peaceful, although occasionally, tense.

Conclusion & Recommendation:

I have ventured to take a brief tour d’horizon leading up to and around the year 2035. What should be our foreign policy in the context of these likely scenarios around the globe? Also, how to gear up and prepare ourselves and strengthen our diplomatic establishment to meet the challenges and opportunities of the future? Here are some suggestions:

  1. There should be a national consensus on the broad parameters and the basic premises of our foreign policy. I feel we already have it to a large degree. What is bothersome as well as harmful is the manner in which some of our leaders, from time to time, come out with untimely and unwanted statements causing confusion both inside and outside the country.
  2. No matter how the world trends develop, the major focus will be in conducting our relations with India, with China and managing the trilateral relations. Lately, the United States has entered the scene with its Indo-Pacific strategy as a counterweight to China’s BRI. We should develop our capacity to understand and analyze the trends of India- China and now, also of China- United States relations, and their probable impact on Nepal.
  3. It has to be clearly understood and accepted that our foreign ministry is the focal point of our foreign relations. There should be no room for anyone to grudge about treading on one’s so-called “turf”.
  4. All our government mechanism should closely cooperate and coordinate with the foreign ministry in the formulation of their policies and dealings that involve foreign governments and international institutions.
  5. Our foreign ministry is mostly pre-occupied with day to day and routine matters. It should have a strong research and analysis team- unburdened by routine affairs- a sort of a think tank. This team should, from time to time, also interact with academia, intellectuals, study groups, media and civil society on major foreign policy issues.
  6. There is an acute need to develop our institutional memory. Many of our bilateral negotiations are not properly recorded. This deficiency puts us at a disadvantage whether it be issues relating to boundaries, trade, transit or treaty matters.
  7. The existing Institute of Foreign Affairs needs to be totally revamped in terms of infrastructure, personnel and academic excellence. It should be able to impart adequate training to entry level and mid-level officials of the Ministry while also developing its capacity to provide valuable inputs to the Ministry on major policy issues.
  8. A couple of mid and senior level officials of the Ministry should be deputed to the Prime Minister’s Office to provide constant and uninterrupted assistance pertaining to foreign relations.
  9. Junior level officials should be deputed for a period of at least one year to relevant line ministries like Commerce, Finance, Labor, Tourism, Environment, etc. to enable them to get firsthand insight into relevant issues.
  10. Now that we have a “provincial” system, ministry officials should also be posted to all the provinces for a year or so to understand the working of the federal system as also to advise federal government on matters that touch on foreign relations.
  11. Entry level and even mid-level officials should be required to learn languages like Arabic, Chinese in Nepalese and even foreign institutes, if necessary. Officials should be encouraged to enhance their English writing and speaking skills. Also, their drafting, communicating and negotiating skills should also be increased.
  12. The hub of our diplomatic activity is the Foreign Ministry aided by its diplomatic and consular missions abroad. One of the major problems faced by the diplomatic missions is the “Bhag-bunda” culture of our political system. More often than not, party sponsored political appointees have failed to live up to the expectations of their position and duties.
  13. The number of diplomatic missions have grown unabated in recent years. The need and use of some of them are questionable. Instead of opening up more embassies we should try to strengthen and make the existing ones more effective.
  14. Many of our diplomatic missions suffer from poor and dwindling infrastructure. We may not be a rich country but we have to maintain a certain minimum dignity in our missions abroad. We need not be lavish but our ambassadors should be able to entertain host country dignitaries from time to time. Also, it will be very undiplomatic if our ambassadors are not able to reciprocate the hospitality of other diplomatic colleagues for lack of sufficient funds. Adequate funds should be allocated for travel and entertainment purposes to make our missions active and effective.

# Text courtesy: Association of the Former Career Ambassadors of Nepal (AFCAN) Review, Volume 1, 2020: Ed.

# Thanks the distinguished author Mr. Kedar Bhakta Shrestha, Mr. Shrestha has already served as Nepal’s foreign secretary. Thanks Ambassador R. B. Thakur for the book/journal: Editor telegraphnepal.com

#The photo of the author with Nepali cap was forwarded to us by Dr. Dwarika Nath Dhungel. Thanks

N.P Upadhyaya.