Geopolitical and geostrategic developments in the Asia Pacific

Geopolitical and geostrategic developments in the Asia Pacific


-SartaJ Aziz, Former Advisor to the Prime Minister, Government of Pakistan


Geopolitical and geostrategic developments in the Asia Pacific have been moving rapidly in the recent past. The United States brought greater focus on the region by launching the ‘Asia Pivot’ in 2011.

The Pivot, renamed as ‘rebalance’ strengthens alliances with Japan, South Korea, India, ASEAN countries as well as Australia and the New Zealand.

Greater interaction by the United States with fora like Asia Pacific Economic Forum (APEC), East Asia Summit (EAS) and more recently Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) has underlined the growing importance of these regional arrangements.

Likewise, China has unveiled plans to revive the ancient Silk Road by undertaking massive infrastructure projects and adding value to ports around the Silk Road.

you are well aware of China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative. It has two components- the overland Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the Maritime Silk Road (MSR). OBOR’s ambitious project coupled with China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) highlights the changing global power dynamics, in the context of the much talked about ‘Asian Century’.

China, with its 20 per cent share of the world’s population and having surpassed the United States in terms of purchasing power in 2014 is engaged in several diplomatic initiatives to boost the economic growth of the region and create a win-win situation for all the participants.

This geopolitical realignment has two dimensions which enhance its significance. One is the growing cooperation between Russia and China to develop trade and energy connectivity in Eurasia; and second, the creation of several important new institutions like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), New Development Bank (NDB), formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Silk Road Fund.
Pakistan is located at the crossroads of South, Central and West Asia, and is uniquely located to gain from stability and peace in Asia as a whole.

These expectations are based around CPEC. It is a mutually symbiotic project serving energy and transport requirements across South and Central Asia linking to shipping routes of the Arabian Sea.

The strategic port of Gwadar is the hub around which CPEC rotates. Thus, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a whole can be connected to the markets of Central and West Asia, adding another dimension to market competition and economic diversity in the region.

The-CPEC is the only corridor which is connected to another corridor and helps provide landlocked countries with access to the sea.

Massive investments in infrastructure envisaged under CPEC seek, inter alia, to tackle the menace of terrorism. The size of the investment over the next 15 years when materialized, will equal the cumulative gross Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows in Pakistan since its creation.

Cooperation between Pakistan and China are focused on economic development through connectivity and is not against any other country.

Pakistan seeks to establish and sustain long-lasting and mutually beneficial relationships with the global and regional players in Asia. Pakistan has the distinction of forging and maintaining strategic dialogue with both the U.S. and China. We have vibrant and robust relations with another power in the region, i.e. Russia.

From Pakistan’s perspective, China together with the United States and Russia, are important pillars in the newly emerging economic and security order of the region.

It is unfortunate that some other countries in the region are trying to divert attention away from the importance of CPEC. India’s loud objections and attempts to gain support of elements hostile to Pakistan in the region are ill-advised.

Pakistan has had to overcome many challenges in its bilateral ties with India in the past. However, the recent deviation of India from all invitations to dialogue and peace belie its commitment to peace and harmony in the region.

While Pakistan favors normalization of its ties with India, we also expect reciprocity with respect and dignity.
While the theme of this Conference emphasizes the evolving dynamics in regional and super-power context, the most viable option for peace and stability in the Asia Pacific, is a form of shared regional leadership that is inclusive not only of the major powers, but also of other key players in the region.

This mode of regional leadership is the best manifestation of international governance. It has the support of the largest number of stakeholders.

The key multilateral dialogue forums in the Asia Pacific region are mechanisms of shared and inclusive regional leadership vis-a-vis the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the extended East Asia Summit (EAS), and the newly established ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM+).

These forums have demonstrated a remarkable ability to nimbly adapt to the changing balance of power in the region. There is a place under inclusive leadership for various leadership roles played by great powers and small states alike.

While the merits of this approach cannot be overlooked, territorial and border disputes in the region continue to have strong bearing and if left unresolved, politics of ‘rebalancing’ and the beginning of a ‘new cold war’, will continue to haunt us.

Given that major powers have so many interlocking interests and convergences on trans-border issues like cyber- terrorism, climate change and the environment, UN peacekeeping, connectivity and open lanes of trade, one feels optimistic about the future of the Asia Pacific region provided a rational and mature approach is adopted by all the stakeholders.

Author’s remarks at a seminar/conference on “Emerging Security Order in Asia Pacific: Impact on South Asia” organized by Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) in cooperation with Hanns Seidel Foundation, 2017.

Source: IPRI journal, 2017. Thanks IPRI: Upadhyaya N. P.